Survey

Trump administration’s move to end annual hunger report meets criticism #Catholic 
 
 U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins hosts a USDA all-staff meeting on May 23, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Rollins announced the termination of household food insecurity reports in September 2025. / Credit: USDAgov, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 20, 2025 / 05:20 am (CNA).
The Trump administration’s recent decision to cease publishing an annual U.S. Department of Agriculture report on household food insecurity is being met with strong criticism by the Catholic Health Association of the United States, anti-hunger activists, and academics.The last USDA food insecurity report, covering 2024 data, is set for release Oct. 22. On Sept. 20, the USDA, led by Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins, who was appointed by President Donald Trump, announced the termination of future “Household Food Security Reports,” which were first published in 1995 during the administration of then-President Bill Clinton.“These redundant, costly, politicized, and extraneous studies do nothing more than fearmonger,” the USDA said in a published statement.The USDA questioned the legitimacy of the annual reports, saying food insecurity trends have remained virtually unchanged since 1995, “regardless of an over 87% increase in SNAP spending between 2019–2023.”SNAP is an acronym for “Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program,” which according to the USDA “provides food benefits to low-income families to enhance their grocery budget so they can afford the nutritious food essential to health and well-being.” SNAP was formerly known as the “Food Stamp Program.”The Trump administration explained its decision for discontinuing the reports, saying: “For 30 years, this study — initially created by the Clinton administration as a means to support the increase of SNAP eligibility and benefit allotments — failed to present anything more than subjective, liberal fodder.”Responses to terminating the report“I don’t think collecting data about food insecurity across the country is ‘liberal fodder,’” said Lisa Smith, vice president of advocacy and public policy for the Catholic Health Association of the United States, which generally aligns with Church teaching but has clashed with the U.S. bishops in the past on health care issues, such as the Affordable Care Act. “When you don’t have the data, it makes it more difficult to know where the keys areas of need are.”The end of the annual food security report “is going to impact the health of low-income communities,” Smith said. Smith’s concerns were echoed by Colleen Heflin, a professor of public administration and international affairs at Syracuse University and co-author of “Food for Thought: Understanding Older Adult Food Insecurity,” a book published last month along with Madonna Harrington Meyer, a sociology professor at Syracuse.“Without national data from the Current Population Survey on food insecurity, it will no longer be possible to track year-to-year variation in food insecurity due to changing economic and policy conditions,” Heflin said. “This lack of data will make it harder for Catholic charities and other community-based organizations to effectively address food insecurity without a consistent and comprehensive understanding of how food insecurity is changing for different demographic and geographic communities.”Like Smith, Heflin dismissed the Trump administration’s claim that the reports were little more than liberal, redundant fearmongering.“Food insecurity data collection has been a bipartisan issue since the Reagan administration,” since the 1980s, Heflin said. Referring to the Trump administration’s plan to end the annual report, Heflin said she found “both the decision and the justification provided quite shocking and without merit.”James Ziliak, a professor of microeconomics and founding director of the Center for Poverty Research at the University of Kentucky, told CNA that eliminating the USDA household food security reports could reduce public and policy awareness of hunger needs and hinder private-sector responses, such as those by Catholic health and social service organizations.“This report was one of the most widely watched barometers of economic well-being among low- and moderate-income households in the U.S. and provided key information for policymakers, charitable organizations, and researchers,” Ziliak said in an email.Like Smith and Heflin, Ziliak said he did not accept the Trump administration’s explanation for ending publication of the annual report.“This is absolutely not justified, and the timing is especially harmful to public policy as the economy slows down and major cuts are being implemented in the largest federal food assistance program,” he said, referring to SNAP.

Trump administration’s move to end annual hunger report meets criticism #Catholic U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins hosts a USDA all-staff meeting on May 23, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Rollins announced the termination of household food insecurity reports in September 2025. / Credit: USDAgov, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 20, 2025 / 05:20 am (CNA). The Trump administration’s recent decision to cease publishing an annual U.S. Department of Agriculture report on household food insecurity is being met with strong criticism by the Catholic Health Association of the United States, anti-hunger activists, and academics.The last USDA food insecurity report, covering 2024 data, is set for release Oct. 22. On Sept. 20, the USDA, led by Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins, who was appointed by President Donald Trump, announced the termination of future “Household Food Security Reports,” which were first published in 1995 during the administration of then-President Bill Clinton.“These redundant, costly, politicized, and extraneous studies do nothing more than fearmonger,” the USDA said in a published statement.The USDA questioned the legitimacy of the annual reports, saying food insecurity trends have remained virtually unchanged since 1995, “regardless of an over 87% increase in SNAP spending between 2019–2023.”SNAP is an acronym for “Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program,” which according to the USDA “provides food benefits to low-income families to enhance their grocery budget so they can afford the nutritious food essential to health and well-being.” SNAP was formerly known as the “Food Stamp Program.”The Trump administration explained its decision for discontinuing the reports, saying: “For 30 years, this study — initially created by the Clinton administration as a means to support the increase of SNAP eligibility and benefit allotments — failed to present anything more than subjective, liberal fodder.”Responses to terminating the report“I don’t think collecting data about food insecurity across the country is ‘liberal fodder,’” said Lisa Smith, vice president of advocacy and public policy for the Catholic Health Association of the United States, which generally aligns with Church teaching but has clashed with the U.S. bishops in the past on health care issues, such as the Affordable Care Act. “When you don’t have the data, it makes it more difficult to know where the keys areas of need are.”The end of the annual food security report “is going to impact the health of low-income communities,” Smith said. Smith’s concerns were echoed by Colleen Heflin, a professor of public administration and international affairs at Syracuse University and co-author of “Food for Thought: Understanding Older Adult Food Insecurity,” a book published last month along with Madonna Harrington Meyer, a sociology professor at Syracuse.“Without national data from the Current Population Survey on food insecurity, it will no longer be possible to track year-to-year variation in food insecurity due to changing economic and policy conditions,” Heflin said. “This lack of data will make it harder for Catholic charities and other community-based organizations to effectively address food insecurity without a consistent and comprehensive understanding of how food insecurity is changing for different demographic and geographic communities.”Like Smith, Heflin dismissed the Trump administration’s claim that the reports were little more than liberal, redundant fearmongering.“Food insecurity data collection has been a bipartisan issue since the Reagan administration,” since the 1980s, Heflin said. Referring to the Trump administration’s plan to end the annual report, Heflin said she found “both the decision and the justification provided quite shocking and without merit.”James Ziliak, a professor of microeconomics and founding director of the Center for Poverty Research at the University of Kentucky, told CNA that eliminating the USDA household food security reports could reduce public and policy awareness of hunger needs and hinder private-sector responses, such as those by Catholic health and social service organizations.“This report was one of the most widely watched barometers of economic well-being among low- and moderate-income households in the U.S. and provided key information for policymakers, charitable organizations, and researchers,” Ziliak said in an email.Like Smith and Heflin, Ziliak said he did not accept the Trump administration’s explanation for ending publication of the annual report.“This is absolutely not justified, and the timing is especially harmful to public policy as the economy slows down and major cuts are being implemented in the largest federal food assistance program,” he said, referring to SNAP.


U.S. Agriculture Secretary Brooke Rollins hosts a USDA all-staff meeting on May 23, 2025, in Washington, D.C. Rollins announced the termination of household food insecurity reports in September 2025. / Credit: USDAgov, Public domain, via Wikimedia Commons

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 20, 2025 / 05:20 am (CNA).

The Trump administration’s recent decision to cease publishing an annual U.S. Department of Agriculture report on household food insecurity is being met with strong criticism by the Catholic Health Association of the United States, anti-hunger activists, and academics.

The last USDA food insecurity report, covering 2024 data, is set for release Oct. 22. On Sept. 20, the USDA, led by Secretary of Agriculture Brooke Rollins, who was appointed by President Donald Trump, announced the termination of future “Household Food Security Reports,” which were first published in 1995 during the administration of then-President Bill Clinton.

“These redundant, costly, politicized, and extraneous studies do nothing more than fearmonger,” the USDA said in a published statement.

The USDA questioned the legitimacy of the annual reports, saying food insecurity trends have remained virtually unchanged since 1995, “regardless of an over 87% increase in SNAP spending between 2019–2023.”

SNAP is an acronym for “Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program,” which according to the USDA “provides food benefits to low-income families to enhance their grocery budget so they can afford the nutritious food essential to health and well-being.” SNAP was formerly known as the “Food Stamp Program.”

The Trump administration explained its decision for discontinuing the reports, saying: “For 30 years, this study — initially created by the Clinton administration as a means to support the increase of SNAP eligibility and benefit allotments — failed to present anything more than subjective, liberal fodder.”

Responses to terminating the report

“I don’t think collecting data about food insecurity across the country is ‘liberal fodder,’” said Lisa Smith, vice president of advocacy and public policy for the Catholic Health Association of the United States, which generally aligns with Church teaching but has clashed with the U.S. bishops in the past on health care issues, such as the Affordable Care Act. “When you don’t have the data, it makes it more difficult to know where the keys areas of need are.”

The end of the annual food security report “is going to impact the health of low-income communities,” Smith said. Smith’s concerns were echoed by Colleen Heflin, a professor of public administration and international affairs at Syracuse University and co-author of “Food for Thought: Understanding Older Adult Food Insecurity,” a book published last month along with Madonna Harrington Meyer, a sociology professor at Syracuse.

“Without national data from the Current Population Survey on food insecurity, it will no longer be possible to track year-to-year variation in food insecurity due to changing economic and policy conditions,” Heflin said. “This lack of data will make it harder for Catholic charities and other community-based organizations to effectively address food insecurity without a consistent and comprehensive understanding of how food insecurity is changing for different demographic and geographic communities.”

Like Smith, Heflin dismissed the Trump administration’s claim that the reports were little more than liberal, redundant fearmongering.

“Food insecurity data collection has been a bipartisan issue since the Reagan administration,” since the 1980s, Heflin said. Referring to the Trump administration’s plan to end the annual report, Heflin said she found “both the decision and the justification provided quite shocking and without merit.”

James Ziliak, a professor of microeconomics and founding director of the Center for Poverty Research at the University of Kentucky, told CNA that eliminating the USDA household food security reports could reduce public and policy awareness of hunger needs and hinder private-sector responses, such as those by Catholic health and social service organizations.

“This report was one of the most widely watched barometers of economic well-being among low- and moderate-income households in the U.S. and provided key information for policymakers, charitable organizations, and researchers,” Ziliak said in an email.

Like Smith and Heflin, Ziliak said he did not accept the Trump administration’s explanation for ending publication of the annual report.

“This is absolutely not justified, and the timing is especially harmful to public policy as the economy slows down and major cuts are being implemented in the largest federal food assistance program,” he said, referring to SNAP.

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Younger priests remain more conservative than older priests in U.S., survey says #Catholic 
 
 Younger U.S. priests say they are far more conservative than older priests in their voting patterns, according to a 2025 survey. / Credit: TSViPhoto/Shutterstock

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 15:35 pm (CNA).
Younger U.S. priests are far more conservative than older priests, reaffirming a generational divide in political views, according to a 2025 survey.The strong generational divide in political views among Catholic priests in the United States was reaffirmed in a 2025 survey that shows younger priests are far more conservative than older priests.The National Study of Catholic Priests, published on Oct. 14, was commissioned by The Catholic Project at The Catholic University of America and conducted by Gallup. Researchers surveyed the same priests who were surveyed in The Catholic Project’s 2022 survey to examine the U.S. priesthood.According to the report, the 2025 survey “closely mirrors” the findings in 2022 and shows “a clear generational shift away from liberal self-identification.”About 51% of priests ordained in 2010 or later said their political views are either conservative or very conservative. Another 37% said they were moderate and the remaining 12% were either liberal or very liberal.For priests ordained between 2000 and 2009, 44% were conservative or very conservative and 44% were moderate. Again, only 12% of priests ordained in these years said they were liberal or very liberal.Priests ordained between 1990 and 1999 leaned conservative, but to a lesser degree, with 38% saying they are somewhat conservative, 34% identifying as moderate, and 26% saying they are liberal or very liberal.For priests ordained in the prior decade, 1980 to 1989, conservatism declines to about 22%, and 36% call themselves moderate. About 40%, a plurality, identify as liberal or very liberal. Older priests are far more liberal. A majority of priests ordained between 1975 and 1979, about 53%, say they are either liberal or very liberal. About 34% are moderate and 11% conservative. About 61% of priests ordained before 1975 said they are liberal or very liberal, 25% are moderate, and 13% are conservative. The theological leanings of priests followed a similar pattern, with an even sharper decline in theological progressivism, according to the researchers. About 70% of priests ordained before 1975 called themselves theological progressives, and only 8% of priests ordained 2010 or later said the same.About 70% of the youngest priests self-report as conservative/orthodox or very conservative/orthodox on theological matters.Generational divide on pastoral prioritiesThe political and theological shifts flow into generational divides about what issues the Church should be prioritizing as well, such as climate change, LGBTQ outreach, and synodality.Regarding climate change, 78% of priests ordained before 1980 said this should be a priority, as did 61% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999. Just 35% of priests ordained in 2000 or later agreed.The trend is similar for outreach to the LGBTQ community with 66% of priests ordained before 1980 calling this a priority, but just 49% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.Synodality is also popular among older priests, with 77% of those ordained before 1980 calling it a priority. About 57% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 say the same, but only 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.Immigration Some issues show smaller generational divides. For example, 93% of priests ordained before 1980 see immigration and refugee assistance as a priority, as do 82% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 74% ordained in 2000 or later. Also, 98% of priests ordained before 1980 believe poverty, homelessness, and food insecurity are priorities, as do 92% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 79% ordained 2000 or later.There is a generational divide on whether Eucharistic devotion or access to the Traditional Latin Mass are priorities, with younger priests more focused on those issues. About 88% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Eucharistic devotion as a priority, as do 66% of those ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 57% ordained before 1980. About 39% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Latin Mass access as a priority, but only 20% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 11% of priests ordained before 1980 agree.

Younger priests remain more conservative than older priests in U.S., survey says #Catholic Younger U.S. priests say they are far more conservative than older priests in their voting patterns, according to a 2025 survey. / Credit: TSViPhoto/Shutterstock Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 15:35 pm (CNA). Younger U.S. priests are far more conservative than older priests, reaffirming a generational divide in political views, according to a 2025 survey.The strong generational divide in political views among Catholic priests in the United States was reaffirmed in a 2025 survey that shows younger priests are far more conservative than older priests.The National Study of Catholic Priests, published on Oct. 14, was commissioned by The Catholic Project at The Catholic University of America and conducted by Gallup. Researchers surveyed the same priests who were surveyed in The Catholic Project’s 2022 survey to examine the U.S. priesthood.According to the report, the 2025 survey “closely mirrors” the findings in 2022 and shows “a clear generational shift away from liberal self-identification.”About 51% of priests ordained in 2010 or later said their political views are either conservative or very conservative. Another 37% said they were moderate and the remaining 12% were either liberal or very liberal.For priests ordained between 2000 and 2009, 44% were conservative or very conservative and 44% were moderate. Again, only 12% of priests ordained in these years said they were liberal or very liberal.Priests ordained between 1990 and 1999 leaned conservative, but to a lesser degree, with 38% saying they are somewhat conservative, 34% identifying as moderate, and 26% saying they are liberal or very liberal.For priests ordained in the prior decade, 1980 to 1989, conservatism declines to about 22%, and 36% call themselves moderate. About 40%, a plurality, identify as liberal or very liberal. Older priests are far more liberal. A majority of priests ordained between 1975 and 1979, about 53%, say they are either liberal or very liberal. About 34% are moderate and 11% conservative. About 61% of priests ordained before 1975 said they are liberal or very liberal, 25% are moderate, and 13% are conservative. The theological leanings of priests followed a similar pattern, with an even sharper decline in theological progressivism, according to the researchers. About 70% of priests ordained before 1975 called themselves theological progressives, and only 8% of priests ordained 2010 or later said the same.About 70% of the youngest priests self-report as conservative/orthodox or very conservative/orthodox on theological matters.Generational divide on pastoral prioritiesThe political and theological shifts flow into generational divides about what issues the Church should be prioritizing as well, such as climate change, LGBTQ outreach, and synodality.Regarding climate change, 78% of priests ordained before 1980 said this should be a priority, as did 61% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999. Just 35% of priests ordained in 2000 or later agreed.The trend is similar for outreach to the LGBTQ community with 66% of priests ordained before 1980 calling this a priority, but just 49% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.Synodality is also popular among older priests, with 77% of those ordained before 1980 calling it a priority. About 57% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 say the same, but only 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.Immigration Some issues show smaller generational divides. For example, 93% of priests ordained before 1980 see immigration and refugee assistance as a priority, as do 82% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 74% ordained in 2000 or later. Also, 98% of priests ordained before 1980 believe poverty, homelessness, and food insecurity are priorities, as do 92% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 79% ordained 2000 or later.There is a generational divide on whether Eucharistic devotion or access to the Traditional Latin Mass are priorities, with younger priests more focused on those issues. About 88% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Eucharistic devotion as a priority, as do 66% of those ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 57% ordained before 1980. About 39% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Latin Mass access as a priority, but only 20% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 11% of priests ordained before 1980 agree.


Younger U.S. priests say they are far more conservative than older priests in their voting patterns, according to a 2025 survey. / Credit: TSViPhoto/Shutterstock

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 15:35 pm (CNA).

Younger U.S. priests are far more conservative than older priests, reaffirming a generational divide in political views, according to a 2025 survey.

The strong generational divide in political views among Catholic priests in the United States was reaffirmed in a 2025 survey that shows younger priests are far more conservative than older priests.

The National Study of Catholic Priests, published on Oct. 14, was commissioned by The Catholic Project at The Catholic University of America and conducted by Gallup. Researchers surveyed the same priests who were surveyed in The Catholic Project’s 2022 survey to examine the U.S. priesthood.

According to the report, the 2025 survey “closely mirrors” the findings in 2022 and shows “a clear generational shift away from liberal self-identification.”

About 51% of priests ordained in 2010 or later said their political views are either conservative or very conservative. Another 37% said they were moderate and the remaining 12% were either liberal or very liberal.

For priests ordained between 2000 and 2009, 44% were conservative or very conservative and 44% were moderate. Again, only 12% of priests ordained in these years said they were liberal or very liberal.

Priests ordained between 1990 and 1999 leaned conservative, but to a lesser degree, with 38% saying they are somewhat conservative, 34% identifying as moderate, and 26% saying they are liberal or very liberal.

For priests ordained in the prior decade, 1980 to 1989, conservatism declines to about 22%, and 36% call themselves moderate. About 40%, a plurality, identify as liberal or very liberal. 

Older priests are far more liberal. A majority of priests ordained between 1975 and 1979, about 53%, say they are either liberal or very liberal. About 34% are moderate and 11% conservative. About 61% of priests ordained before 1975 said they are liberal or very liberal, 25% are moderate, and 13% are conservative. 

The theological leanings of priests followed a similar pattern, with an even sharper decline in theological progressivism, according to the researchers. About 70% of priests ordained before 1975 called themselves theological progressives, and only 8% of priests ordained 2010 or later said the same.

About 70% of the youngest priests self-report as conservative/orthodox or very conservative/orthodox on theological matters.

Generational divide on pastoral priorities

The political and theological shifts flow into generational divides about what issues the Church should be prioritizing as well, such as climate change, LGBTQ outreach, and synodality.

Regarding climate change, 78% of priests ordained before 1980 said this should be a priority, as did 61% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999. Just 35% of priests ordained in 2000 or later agreed.

The trend is similar for outreach to the LGBTQ community with 66% of priests ordained before 1980 calling this a priority, but just 49% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.

Synodality is also popular among older priests, with 77% of those ordained before 1980 calling it a priority. About 57% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 say the same, but only 37% of priests ordained 2000 or later agree.

Immigration 

Some issues show smaller generational divides. For example, 93% of priests ordained before 1980 see immigration and refugee assistance as a priority, as do 82% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 74% ordained in 2000 or later. Also, 98% of priests ordained before 1980 believe poverty, homelessness, and food insecurity are priorities, as do 92% ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 79% ordained 2000 or later.

There is a generational divide on whether Eucharistic devotion or access to the Traditional Latin Mass are priorities, with younger priests more focused on those issues. 

About 88% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Eucharistic devotion as a priority, as do 66% of those ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 57% ordained before 1980. About 39% of priests ordained in 2000 or later see Latin Mass access as a priority, but only 20% of priests ordained between 1980 and 1999 and 11% of priests ordained before 1980 agree.

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Study: Biblical definition of marriage high among churchgoers, definition of family less so #Catholic 
 
 null / Credit: Ivan Galashchuk/Shutterstock

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 13:38 pm (CNA).
A recent study found that among adults who attend Christian worship at least monthly, 68% agreed marriage is between one man and one woman, but only 46% defined “family” in corresponding terms of a husband and wife, their children, and relatives.Family Research Council in partnership with the Cultural Research Center at Arizona Christian University released findings this week from a new national survey of 1,003 churchgoing adults. The survey, “Social Issues and Worldview,” was conducted in July to build off a similar 2023 study. The research identified beliefs of the faithful in regard to social topics and family life.Of the 9 in 10 respondents identifying as Christian, 39% were Catholic, 20% mainline Protestant, 18% evangelical, 9% independent or nondenominational Christian, and 4% Pentecostal.Among the respondents, about 22% claimed the definition of family changes over time and across cultures. About 20% said family is any group of people who care for one another, 6% said family is any group of people who live together, and 6% said they did not know how to describe family.No demographic or Christian group was found to have a clear majority in support of the biblical definition of family, but the highest support came from theologically defined born-again Christians (59%) and Pentecostal churchgoers (56%). The majority of respondents did agree on a number of other family-related topics. Of churchgoing adults, 70% said it is important for society to facilitate families with a father, mother, and children living together and 68% said they believe marriage is only between a man and a woman.Christian stances on social issues and need for discipleship The report found churchgoers are open to more discipleship and teaching on a number of current social issues. A large majority reported that additional worldview training is desirable in areas regarding religious freedom (88%), social and political responsibility (76%), and abortion and the value of life (60%).The research revealed more specific Christian views on pro-life topics including abortion and euthanasia. About 25% of churchgoing respondents said they would prefer their church to preach or teach about abortion at worship services more often, while 18% said they would prefer teachings on the topic less often. Those interested in increasing preaching on the topic mostly attend either evangelical (31%) or Pentecostal churches (31%), while adults who align with independent and nondenominational churches were the least interested in increasing the number of sermons on abortion (19%). Interest among Catholics in increasing the frequency fell from 41% to 29% since 2023.Respondents were asked their beliefs in regard to the statement: “Euthanasia is morally wrong.” Less than half of churchgoers (43%) said they agreed, another 23% said they disagreed, and 35% said they were unsure and did not know whether euthanasia was right or wrong.Overwhelming majorities agreed that people should be able to practice “peaceful, genuinely held religious beliefs without being punished by the government, even if those beliefs are not culturally popular” (83%), that “every person is made in the likeness of God” (84%), and that “every human being has undeniable value and dignity” (83%).

Study: Biblical definition of marriage high among churchgoers, definition of family less so #Catholic null / Credit: Ivan Galashchuk/Shutterstock Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 13:38 pm (CNA). A recent study found that among adults who attend Christian worship at least monthly, 68% agreed marriage is between one man and one woman, but only 46% defined “family” in corresponding terms of a husband and wife, their children, and relatives.Family Research Council in partnership with the Cultural Research Center at Arizona Christian University released findings this week from a new national survey of 1,003 churchgoing adults. The survey, “Social Issues and Worldview,” was conducted in July to build off a similar 2023 study. The research identified beliefs of the faithful in regard to social topics and family life.Of the 9 in 10 respondents identifying as Christian, 39% were Catholic, 20% mainline Protestant, 18% evangelical, 9% independent or nondenominational Christian, and 4% Pentecostal.Among the respondents, about 22% claimed the definition of family changes over time and across cultures. About 20% said family is any group of people who care for one another, 6% said family is any group of people who live together, and 6% said they did not know how to describe family.No demographic or Christian group was found to have a clear majority in support of the biblical definition of family, but the highest support came from theologically defined born-again Christians (59%) and Pentecostal churchgoers (56%). The majority of respondents did agree on a number of other family-related topics. Of churchgoing adults, 70% said it is important for society to facilitate families with a father, mother, and children living together and 68% said they believe marriage is only between a man and a woman.Christian stances on social issues and need for discipleship The report found churchgoers are open to more discipleship and teaching on a number of current social issues. A large majority reported that additional worldview training is desirable in areas regarding religious freedom (88%), social and political responsibility (76%), and abortion and the value of life (60%).The research revealed more specific Christian views on pro-life topics including abortion and euthanasia. About 25% of churchgoing respondents said they would prefer their church to preach or teach about abortion at worship services more often, while 18% said they would prefer teachings on the topic less often. Those interested in increasing preaching on the topic mostly attend either evangelical (31%) or Pentecostal churches (31%), while adults who align with independent and nondenominational churches were the least interested in increasing the number of sermons on abortion (19%). Interest among Catholics in increasing the frequency fell from 41% to 29% since 2023.Respondents were asked their beliefs in regard to the statement: “Euthanasia is morally wrong.” Less than half of churchgoers (43%) said they agreed, another 23% said they disagreed, and 35% said they were unsure and did not know whether euthanasia was right or wrong.Overwhelming majorities agreed that people should be able to practice “peaceful, genuinely held religious beliefs without being punished by the government, even if those beliefs are not culturally popular” (83%), that “every person is made in the likeness of God” (84%), and that “every human being has undeniable value and dignity” (83%).


null / Credit: Ivan Galashchuk/Shutterstock

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Oct 14, 2025 / 13:38 pm (CNA).

A recent study found that among adults who attend Christian worship at least monthly, 68% agreed marriage is between one man and one woman, but only 46% defined “family” in corresponding terms of a husband and wife, their children, and relatives.

Family Research Council in partnership with the Cultural Research Center at Arizona Christian University released findings this week from a new national survey of 1,003 churchgoing adults. The survey, “Social Issues and Worldview,” was conducted in July to build off a similar 2023 study. The research identified beliefs of the faithful in regard to social topics and family life.

Of the 9 in 10 respondents identifying as Christian, 39% were Catholic, 20% mainline Protestant, 18% evangelical, 9% independent or nondenominational Christian, and 4% Pentecostal.

Among the respondents, about 22% claimed the definition of family changes over time and across cultures. About 20% said family is any group of people who care for one another, 6% said family is any group of people who live together, and 6% said they did not know how to describe family.

No demographic or Christian group was found to have a clear majority in support of the biblical definition of family, but the highest support came from theologically defined born-again Christians (59%) and Pentecostal churchgoers (56%). 

The majority of respondents did agree on a number of other family-related topics. Of churchgoing adults, 70% said it is important for society to facilitate families with a father, mother, and children living together and 68% said they believe marriage is only between a man and a woman.

Christian stances on social issues and need for discipleship 

The report found churchgoers are open to more discipleship and teaching on a number of current social issues. A large majority reported that additional worldview training is desirable in areas regarding religious freedom (88%), social and political responsibility (76%), and abortion and the value of life (60%).

The research revealed more specific Christian views on pro-life topics including abortion and euthanasia. About 25% of churchgoing respondents said they would prefer their church to preach or teach about abortion at worship services more often, while 18% said they would prefer teachings on the topic less often. 

Those interested in increasing preaching on the topic mostly attend either evangelical (31%) or Pentecostal churches (31%), while adults who align with independent and nondenominational churches were the least interested in increasing the number of sermons on abortion (19%). Interest among Catholics in increasing the frequency fell from 41% to 29% since 2023.

Respondents were asked their beliefs in regard to the statement: “Euthanasia is morally wrong.” Less than half of churchgoers (43%) said they agreed, another 23% said they disagreed, and 35% said they were unsure and did not know whether euthanasia was right or wrong.

Overwhelming majorities agreed that people should be able to practice “peaceful, genuinely held religious beliefs without being punished by the government, even if those beliefs are not culturally popular” (83%), that “every person is made in the likeness of God” (84%), and that “every human being has undeniable value and dignity” (83%).

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Report: Abortion declines even in states where it is still legal

null / Credit: Mike Blackburn via Flickr (CC BY-NC-SA 2.0)

CNA Staff, Oct 3, 2025 / 10:30 am (CNA).

Here is a roundup of recent pro-life and abortion-related news.

Abortion declines even in states where it is still legal

The number of abortions in clinics in pro-abortion states saw a decline in the first half of 2025, according to a recent report.

The report by the pro-abortion group Guttmacher found a 5% decrease in abortions provided by clinics from for the same period in 2024.

The review found declines in clinician-provided abortions in 22 states, all states that did not have “abortion bans.” The report also found an 8% decline in out-of-state travel for abortion to states with fewer protections for unborn children.

States with protections for unborn children at six weeks, such as Florida and Iowa, also saw a decline in abortions so far this year.

The report did not take mail-in or telehealth abortion pill numbers into account.

Michael New, a professor at the Busch School of Business at The Catholic University of America and a scholar at Charlotte Lozier Institute, called the report “good news” but noted that the survey wasn’t “comprehensive.”

“It does not appear that Guttmacher collects data on telehealth abortions from states where strong pro-life laws are in effect but abortion is not banned,” he told CNA. “Pro-lifers should take these figures with a grain of salt.”

In terms of mail-in, telehealth abortions, New noted that pro-lifers should “continue to push for more timely action to protect mothers and preborn children.”

“The Trump administration is within its power to halt telehealth abortions,” he said, noting that “Health and Human Services Secretary Robert F. Kennedy  Jr. recently said the FDA would conduct a new review of abortion pills.”

Florida’s Heartbeat Act, which took effect in May 2024, played “a large role in this decline,” New said.

“The Heartbeat Act is protecting preborn children in Florida and is preventing women from other states from obtaining abortions in the Sunshine State,” he said. “Birth data from Florida shows that the Heartbeat Act is saving nearly 300 lives every month.”

Government takes action against Virginia school system following alleged abortions for students

The U.S. Department of Education has called on a Virginia public school system to investigate reports that high school staff facilitated abortions for students without their parents’ knowledge. 

The department took action against Fairfax County Public Schools under the Protection of Pupil Rights Amendments, according to a Sept. 29 press release.

The investigation follows reports that a Centreville High School social worker scheduled and paid for an abortion for a minor and pressured a second student to have an abortion. The federal agency is requiring that Fairfax investigate whether this practice has continued. 

The Fairfax report “shocks the conscience,” the department’s acting general counsel, Candice Jackson, said in a statement.

“Children do not belong to the government — decisions touching deeply-held values should be made within loving families,” Jackson said. “It is both morally unconscionable and patently illegal for school officials to keep parents in the dark about such intimate, life-altering procedures pertaining to their children.” 

Jackson said the Trump administration will “take swift and decisive action” to “restore parental authority.”

Virginia bishop speaks out against potential ‘abortion rights’ amendment

Bishop Michael Burbidge of Arlington, Virginia, this week spoke out against a proposed amendment to create a right to abortion in the Virginia Constitution. 

“While the amendment is not yet on the ballot, the outcome of this fall’s elections will determine whether it advances or is halted,” he said in an October “Respect Life Month” message

“If adopted, this amendment would embed in our state constitution a purported right to abortion through all nine months of pregnancy with no age limits,” he said.

He noted that Virginia has “some modest protections” for life, but “the proposed amendment would likely make it impossible … to pass similar protective laws in the future.”

Protections for unborn children, for parental consent, and for conscience rights “would be severely jeopardized under this amendment,” he added.

“Parents have the sacred right to be involved in the most serious decisions facing their daughters,” Burbidge said. “No one should ever be forced to participate in or pay for an abortion.” 

“Most importantly, the lives of vulnerable women and their unborn children are sacred and must be welcomed and protected,” he said.

He called on Catholics to not “remain silent,” urging the faithful to inform themselves and others about “the devastating impact this amendment would have.”

“Our faith compels us to stand firmly for life, in prayer and witness, and also in advocacy and action,” he said.

“We must speak with clarity and compassion in the public square, reminding our legislators and neighbors that true justice is measured by how we treat the most defenseless among us,” he concluded.

Planned Parenthood closes its only 2 clinics in Louisiana

The only two Planned Parenthood locations in Louisiana closed this week following the Trump administration’s decision to halt federal funding for abortion providers for a year.  

The president of Planned Parenthood Gulf Coast cited “political attacks” as the reason for the closures of the two facilities located in Baton Rouge and New Orleans. 

The closures follow a court ruling last month enforcing the Trump administration’s defunding of Planned Parenthood, which halted government funding for abortion providers.

Louisiana authorities issue arrest warrant for California abortionist 

Louisiana authorities issued an arrest warrant for a California doctor for allegedly providing abortion drugs to a woman without consulting her. 

The woman, Rosalie Markezich, said she felt coerced into the abortion by her boyfriend at the time, who arranged for an abortionist in California to prescribe drugs to induce a chemical abortion.

The same abortionist, Remy Coeytaux, has faced charges for telehealth abortions after the abortionist allegedly sent abortion pills to Texas, where they are illegal.

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Study: ‘Traditional liturgical experiences predict stronger belief in the Real Presence’

The Eucharist is displayed in a monstrance in St. Patrick’s Cathedral in New York City before a Eucharistic procession on Oct. 15, 2024. / Credit: Jeffrey Bruno

Washington, D.C. Newsroom, Sep 22, 2025 / 06:00 am (CNA).

A recent study found that traditional liturgical experiences, including receiving the Eucharist by tongue, indicate a stronger belief among Catholics in the Real Presence.

Last year, Natalie A. Lindemann published a journal article on Catholics’ belief in the real presence of Jesus Christ’s body and blood in the Eucharist. Lindemann, a professor in the department of psychology at William Paterson University, recently published a follow-up peer-reviewed article that uses a larger sample size and examines additional information.

Belief in the real presence of Jesus Christ in the Eucharist is central to the Catholic faith, but only about 57% of U.S. Catholics believe with certainty the Eucharist is Jesus’ body, according to  Lindemann’s report.

The new study, published in the Catholic Social Science Review, found receiving the Eucharist on the tongue, attending a parish that rings consecration bells, and attending a parish that offers the Traditional Latin Mass (TLM) have an effect on one’s belief in the Real Presence. 

The research is from a survey of 860 U.S. Catholic English-speaking adults. The group closely reflects the ratio of men to women in the U.S. adult Catholic population. The ethnicity demographic was biased toward the overrepresentation of some ethnic groups, so a corrective weight was applied.

Participants’ Eucharistic beliefs varied with 31% reporting they are certain of the Real Presence, 23.6% being certain that the Eucharist is a symbol without Jesus being present, 10.5% said Jesus is probably present, 19.2% were not sure, and 15.8% said the Eucharist is probably a symbol. 

How ‘bodily and related social liturgical practices’ predict beliefs

The survey asked participants to answer questions on a scale of 1 to 5. One represented the belief that “bread and wine are symbols of Jesus; I am certain that Jesus is not really present.” Five indicated that person is “certain that Jesus is really present in the bread and wine of the Eucharist.” Belief in the Real Presence on the five-point rating scale was found to have an average mean (M) of 3.10.

Participants who have received the Eucharist on the tongue at some point (M=3.27) believe more in the Real Presence than those who have never received the Eucharist by tongue (M=2.79). People who often receive on the tongue, and often see others receive on the tongue, also reported a stronger belief in the Real Presence. 

Those who always receive on the tongue (M=3.69) showed a moderately higher belief in the Real Presence than those who always receive in the hand (M=3). The report noted that since most participants consistently receive the Eucharist via one method, treating the reception method as a scale variable is questionable.

Catholics who said people should receive the Eucharist on the tongue had a significantly stronger belief in the Real Presence (M=4.32) than those who said one should receive in the hand (M=2.62). Those who reported they value personal choice regarding how one receives fell in between (M=3.37).

The report noted that 33 participants mentioned that the COVID-19 pandemic continues to have an effect by prompting more reception in the hand. 

Factoring in the Traditional Latin Mass

“The TLM liturgy prescribes Eucharistic-reverent behavior … therefore, [Lindemann] expected that Catholics who attend the TLM would on average have stronger Real Presence beliefs.” The study found this to be true as participants whose parishes offer a TLM (M=3.63), whether or not the participant has ever attended it, showed a slightly stronger belief in the Real Presence than those whose parishes do not offer one (M=3.04). 

The effect of the Latin Mass was slightly higher among those who both attend a parish that celebrates TLM and have attended it before (M=3.83), compared with Catholics with no exposure to a Latin Mass (M=3.07). 

There was also a trend toward stronger Real Presence belief among people who have a positive perception of TLM (M=3.74) than those with a negative perception (M=2.44). Those with neutral feelings toward TLM were found to have a mean of 3.60.

“Since consecration bells signal the importance of the consecration,” Lindemann said she “predicted that participants whose parishes more often ring consecration bells would report a stronger belief in the Real Presence.” This prediction was found to be true. Specifically, there was a substantially higher belief among Catholics who have always heard consecration bells at Mass (M=3.43) than those who have never heard them before (M=2.53). 

Other factors that tended to result in a higher belief in the presence of Jesus in the Eucharist included more frequent Mass attendance and politically conservative viewpoints. 

The participants were also asked about the location of the tabernacle at the altar, but the study found there was no relationship between where it is placed and Eucharistic belief. Sex, age, and ethnicity were also found to have no effect.

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